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from The Journal
After five days in the Middle East with the majority of his sabbatical team, Adam Ramsay tells The Journal about their unique experiences in the troubled region.
We had a slightly bizarre week. Whether it was the people we met or the buildings being architectually similar to Edinburgh, everything seemed strangely familiar.
When we decided to take a week’s holiday to visit our twin student council in the West Bank, I don’t think any of us expected to feel quite so at home.
I met the president of the Birzeit Student Council on my first day there. We both had black and white striped jumpers on. We had both been politically active before coming to university. He had spent 8 years in prison as a result.
Naomi (Hunter, VPSA), Guy (Bromley, VPAA) and I spent one afternoon early in the week sitting in the canteen at Birzeit University. It was sunny, but at 1000m altitude it wasn’t especially warm – rather like Edinburgh at the moment. The canteen was something like a smaller version of the DHT basement.
We were sitting with two locals. Ahmed is a social science student with rapidly paced English and a dark sense of humour. Semma is a journalism student with bags of common sense, a massive smile, and more charisma than anyone I have ever met.
They chatted for a while about what it’s like to have Israeli teenagers with sub-machine guns stop them at check points on their way to university. They explained how, once, they couldn’t get to their lectures because the soldiers had decided only people with hair gel would be allowed through that day. Another time only the pretty girls were allowed through.
Ahmed joked about how he had gone on a trip to Europe once. When he returned, he was arrested by Israeli special services. His hands were shackled to the floor between his feet so that he could neither stand nor sit. He was left like this in pitch black. For eight days.
He spent another week in a 1m x 1m cell with someone else and no light. He was so severely beaten that he has lost the nerve endings in his shoulder. In all, he was tortured for seven weeks. After this, he was imprisoned for six months without charge. He was never accused of committing any crime. Telling people in Europe what it’s like to be a student in Palestine is, apparently, enough.
His dark jokes about being tortured were surreal. What was more bizarre was the fact he was most angry about was missing work and having to repeat a semester.
We stayed that night with a student and his parents in a lovely house in Ramallah. In the morning, the parents pointed over the valley – on the other side was an Israeli Settlement. In the distance is Tel Aviv. It used to take 30 minutes to get to there, they told me. Now it takes three hours. Arabs are banned from the main road.
In Nablus we met a deputy minister in the Palestinian Authority for lunch. He was a lovely man with a white moustache whose combination of an old fashioned sense of propriety and silly sense of humour reminded me of my dad. When his wife went to pray, we asked if he needed to do the same. “No” he said, taking a deep puff of his cigarette, “I quit”.
As we left I asked if he had ever been locked up by the Israeli Defence Force. “Yes. I studied my masters degree in Iraq. They didn’t like that. When I returned, they imprisoned me and I was interrogated.” This is, it seems, a normal part of life as a Palestinian.
That night we dined with a Geography lecturer called Saed. He told us that he used to drink lots, but has given up – he was shot in the liver, and twice in the chest, by an Israeli soldier while he was at a peaceful demonstration. “It’s re-growing though” he said. “I’m OK.”
We visited Najah University in Nablus. Male students expect to be beaten up by soldiers at checkpoints every now and again – one was pulled aside on the way to his lectures, recently. He spent three hours being beaten by a stream of soldiers. It turned out they were new recruits being taught how to torture Palestinians.
Another student was recently murdered when soldiers stormed into his halls and shot him in the head. It later turned out they had “got the wrong person”.
At the end we spent a morning floating in the Dead Sea. Although the coastline is part of the West Bank, it is occupied by Israeli troops. They sell towels with maps of the Middle East. These include The West Bank, Gaza, and the Golan Heights as part of Israel. An expansionist, racist ideology symbolised on such a day-to-day object was bizarre.
And then we were back in surprisingly sunny Edinburgh. The cheery students we met have added us as Facebook friends. They will continue to study. We will continue to work for students at Edinburgh.
We will tell our friends stories of torture, an apartheid wall, roads in Palestine that Arabs are not allowed to travel on. And our harrowing morning on the old city of Nablus, where the walls are covered in photos of local children murdered by Israeli soldiers.
from The Guardian
A fifth of Israeli exporters report drop in demand as footage of Gaza attacks changes behaviour of consumers and investors
Israeli companies are feeling the impact of boycott moves in Europe, according to surveys, amid growing concern within the Israeli business sector over organised campaigns following the recent attack on Gaza.
Last week, the Israel Manufacturers Association reported that 21% of 90 local exporters who were questioned had felt a drop in demand due to boycotts, mostly from the UK and Scandinavian countries. Last month, a report from the Israel Export Institute reported that 10% of 400 polled exporters received order cancellation notices this year, because of Israel’s assault on Gaza.
“There is no doubt that a red light has been switched on,” Dan Katrivas, head of the foreign trade department at the Israel Manufacturers Association, told Maariv newspaper this week. “We are closely following what’s happening with exporters who are running into problems with boycotts.” He added that in Britain there exists “a special problem regarding the export of agricultural produce from Israel”.
The problem, said Katrivas, is in part the discussion in the UK over how to label goods that come from Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank. Last week British government officials met with food industry representatives to discuss the issue.
In recent months, the Israeli financial press has reported the impact of mounting calls to boycott goods from the Jewish state. Writing in the daily finance paper, the Marker, economics journalist Nehemia Stressler berated then trade and industry minister Eli Yishai for telling the Israeli army to “destroy one hundred homes” in Gaza for every rocket fired into Israel.
The minister, wrote Stressler, did not understand “how much the operation in Gaza is hurting the economy”.
Stressler added: “The horrific images on TV and the statements of politicians in Europe and Turkey are changing the behaviour of consumers, businessmen and potential investors. Many European consumers boycott Israeli products in practice.”
He quoted a pepper grower who spoke of “a concealed boycott of Israeli products in Europe”.
In February, another article in the Marker, titled “Now heads are lowered as we wait for the storm to blow over”, reported that Israelis with major business interests in Turkey hoped to remain anonymous to avoid arousing the attention of pro-boycott groups.
The paper said that, while trade difficulties with Turkey during the Gaza assault received more media attention, Britain was in reality of greater concern.
Gil Erez, Israel’s commercial attache in London, told the paper: “Organisations are bombarding [British] retailers with letters, asking that they remove Israeli merchandise from the shelves.”
Finance journalists have reported that Israeli hi-tech, food and agribusiness companies suffered adverse consequences following Israel’s three-week assault on Gaza, and called for government intervention to protect businesses from a growing boycott.
However, analysts stressed that the impact of a boycott on local exporters was difficult to discern amidst a global economic crisis and that such effects could be exaggerated.
“If there was something serious, I would have heard about it,” said Avi Tempkin, from Globes, the Israeli business daily.
Israeli companies are thought to be wary of giving credence to boycott efforts by talking openly about their effect, preferring to resolve problems through diplomatic channels.
Consumer boycotts in Europe have targeted food produce such as Israeli oranges, avocados and herbs, while in Turkey the focus has been on agribusiness products such as pesticides and fertilisers.
The bulk of Israeli export is in components, especially hi-tech products such as Intel chips and flashcards for mobile phones. It is thought that the consumer goods targeted by boycott campaigns represent around 3% to 5% of the Israeli export economy.
Female students at the Islamic University in Gaza City GAZA CITY, 26 March 2009 (IRIN) – Many University students who lost relatives or whose homes were destroyed during the recent 23-day Israeli offensive are finding it difficult to cope, according to university officials and students.
Some have been unable to register for the new semester due to lack of funds; others are still traumatised.
Al-Mezan Centre for Human Rights in Gaza said 14 of the 15 higher education institutions in the Strip (most are in and around Gaza City) were damaged by Israeli forces. Six came under direct attack.
Three colleges – Al-Da’wa College for Humanities in Rafah, Gaza College for Security Sciences in Gaza City, and the Agricultural College in Beit Hanoun (part of Al-Azhar University) – were destroyed, according to Al-Mezan communications officer Mahmoud AbuRahma.
Six university buildings in Gaza were razed to the ground and 16 damaged. The total damage is estimated at US$21.1 million, according to the Palestinian National Early Recovery and Reconstruction Plan for Gaza.
The Israeli offensive began on 27 December 2008 and ended on 18 January.
Damaged buildings at the Islamic University after the December-January 2009 war in Gaza
Islamic University
Damaged buildings at the Islamic University as a result of Israel’s military campaign in Gaza
Just after midnight on 28 December the Islamic University was targeted in six separate air strikes, according to eyewitnesses.
The two main buildings on campus were completely destroyed, while nine others were damaged; water, electrical and internet systems were affected, according to the university’s president, Kamalain Sha’ath.
“The two [main] buildings contained 74 science and engineering laboratories equipped with thousands of pieces of apparatus,” said Islamic University public relations officer Hussam Ayesh.
The university, which has 22,000 students enrolled, wants to rebuild and renovate but lacks building materials due to the Israeli blockade; Israel is very unlikely to allow in replacement laboratory equipment, without which it will be difficult for classes to resume.
“Only basic food commodities and essential humanitarian items are permitted to enter Gaza,” said spokesperson for the Israeli Civil Liaison Administration Maj Peter Lerner.
The Israeli military said the Islamic University was being used by Hamas to develop and store weapons, including Qassam rockets used to target Israeli civilians. The university and Hamas deny the allegations.
The Islamic University has estimated the damage at US$15 million. By contrast, tuition fees for the 2009 semester only amount to $10 million. The university has appealed for help and halved the minimum initial payment required by students.
“Tuition fees are now a problem for more than 70 percent of the students and many have missed the semester,” said Abdel Rahman Migdad, 20, a third year business studies student. “Books are unavailable due to the siege and most students can’t even afford photocopies – and now we even lack ink for the photocopiers.”
Al-Azhar University
Al-Azhar, Gaza’s second largest university, generally seen as pro-Fatah (the political faction associated with Mahmoud Abbas in the West Bank) was hit on the same day.
“Three thousand of the 20,000 registered students could not return this semester due to issues related to the war,” said public relations officer at Al-Azhar University Sameh Hassanin, who also said there had been a 20 percent increase in the number of students unable to afford fees since the offensive ended.
“Students lack funds for transport and books, and are struggling,” said Hassanin. The university also lacks paper, spare parts and ink for copiers.
The Agricultural College in Beit Hanoun was completely destroyed, with the damage estimated at US$4.3 million, according to university officials.
March 25, 2009
(Jerusalem) – Israel’s repeated firing of white phosphorus shells over densely populated areas of Gaza during its recent military campaign was indiscriminate and is evidence of war crimes, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
The 71-page report, “Rain of Fire: Israel’s Unlawful Use of White Phosphorus in Gaza,” provides witness accounts of the devastating effects that white phosphorus munitions had on civilians and civilian property in Gaza. Human Rights Watch researchers in Gaza immediately after hostilities ended found spent shells, canister liners, and dozens of burnt felt wedges containing white phosphorus on city streets, apartment roofs, residential courtyards, and at a United Nations school. The report also presents ballistics evidence, photographs, and satellite imagery, as well as documents from the Israeli military and government.
Militaries use white phosphorus primarily to obscure their operations on the ground by creating thick smoke. It can also be used as an incendiary weapon.
“In Gaza, the Israeli military didn’t just use white phosphorus in open areas as a screen for its troops,” said Fred Abrahams, senior emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch and co-author of the report. “It fired white phosphorus repeatedly over densely populated areas, even when its troops weren’t in the area and safer smoke shells were available. As a result, civilians needlessly suffered and died.”
The report documents a pattern or policy of white phosphorus use that Human Rights Watch says must have required the approval of senior military officers.
“For the needless civilian deaths caused by white phosphorus, senior commanders should be held to account,” Abrahams said.
On February 1, Human Rights Watch submitted detailed questions to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) about its white phosphorus use in Gaza. The IDF did not provide responses, citing an internal inquiry being conducted by the Southern Command.
In the recent Gaza operations, Israeli forces frequently air-burst white phosphorus in 155mm artillery shells in and near populated areas. Each air-burst shell spreads 116 burning white phosphorus wedges in a radius extending up to 125 meters from the blast point. White phosphorus ignites and burns on contact with oxygen, and continues burning at up to 1500 degrees Fahrenheit (816 degrees Celsius) until nothing is left or the oxygen supply is cut. When white phosphorus comes into contact with skin it creates intense and persistent burns.
When used properly in open areas, white phosphorus munitions are not illegal, but the Human Rights Watch report concludes that the IDF repeatedly exploded it unlawfully over populated neighborhoods, killing and wounding civilians and damaging civilian structures, including a school, a market, a humanitarian aid warehouse, and a hospital.
Israel at first denied it was using white phosphorus in Gaza but, facing mounting evidence to the contrary, said that it was using all weapons in compliance with international law. Later it announced an internal investigation into possible improper white phosphorus use.
“Past IDF investigations into allegations of wrongdoing suggest that this inquiry will be neither thorough nor impartial,” Abrahams said. “That’s why an international investigation is required into serious laws of war violations by all parties.”
The IDF knew that white phosphorus poses life-threatening dangers to civilians, Human Rights Watch said. A medical report prepared during the recent hostilities by the Israeli ministry of health said that white phosphorus “can cause serious injury and death when it comes into contact with the skin, is inhaled or is swallowed.” Burns on less than 10 percent of the body can be fatal because of damage to the liver, kidneys, and heart, the ministry report says. Infection is common and the body’s absorption of the chemical can cause serious damage to internal organs, as well as death.
If the IDF intended to use white phosphorus as a smokescreen for its forces, it had a readily available non-lethal alternative to white phosphorus – smoke shells produced by an Israeli company, Human Rights Watch concluded.
All of the white phosphorus shells that Human Rights Watch found were manufactured in the United States in 1989 by Thiokol Aerospace, which was running the Louisiana Army Ammunition Plant at the time. On January 4, Reuters photographed IDF artillery units handling projectiles whose markings indicate that they were produced in the United States at the Pine Bluff Arsenal in September 1991.
To explain the high number of civilian casualties in Gaza, Israeli officials have repeatedly blamed Hamas for using civilians as “human shields” and for fighting from civilian sites. In the cases documented in the report, Human Rights Watch found no evidence of Hamas using human shields in the vicinity at the time of the attacks. In some areas Palestinian fighters appear to have been present, but this does not justify the indiscriminate use of white phosphorus in a populated area.
Human Rights Watch said that for multiple reasons it concluded that the IDF had deliberately or recklessly used white phosphorus munitions in violation of the laws of war. First, the repeated use of air-burst white phosphorus in populated areas until the last days of the operation reveals a pattern or policy of conduct rather than incidental or accidental usage. Second, the IDF was well aware of the effects of white phosphorus and the dangers it poses to civilians. Third, the IDF failed to use safer available alternatives for smokescreens.
The laws of war obligate states to investigate impartially allegations of war crimes. The evidence available demands that Israel investigate and prosecute as appropriate those who ordered or carried out unlawful attacks using white phosphorus munitions, Human Rights Watch said.
The United States government, which supplied Israel with its white phosphorus munitions, should also conduct an investigation to determine whether Israel used it in violation of the laws of war, Human Rights Watch said.